Assessment for Roma in Slovakia

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Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References

Risk Assessment

Due to their lack of geographical concentration, political cohesion, widespread poverty and low levels of education, Slovak Roma have virtually no risk of rebellion and only a very low risk of protest. Their situation, however, remains poor at best. Roma are still among the poorest in Slovakia and are subject to several forms of discrimination and popular prejudice. The proliferation of Roma political parties and the lack of support at the polls for these parties by the Roma have left them with no representation in the national government.

Nonetheless, there are several signs of hope. Chief among them are the continuous pressures by the European Union, the Council of Europe, other regional as well as non-governmental organizations on the Slovak government to remove restrictions and adopt new policies to improve the situation of the Slovak Roma. Furthermore, Slovakia’s entrance to the EU in May 2004 has brought the Roma plight to the attention of many individual states as well as international organizations. This does not mean that the long-held prejudices and popular discrimination against Roma will disappear over night. It does indicate, however, that many Slovaks are willing to accept the new minority rules dictated by the European organizations in return for democratic and economic gains associated with Slovakia’s membership in them. In addition, due to internal personalistic divisions within the Slovak National Party, which had launched the most virulent and racist attacks against the Roma in the past, Slovak nationalists have lost much of their appeal and power since the 1998 elections.

The combination of these factors gives grounds for cautious optimism regarding the future of the Slovak Roma. For it seems that while the problems facing the Roma in Slovakia may not be getting any better, at the very least, they will not be getting any worse in the coming years.

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Analytic Summary

Concentrated mainly in the eastern part of the country (GROUPCON = 2), Roma are by far the most disadvantaged minority in Slovakia and much of Eastern Europe. The actual size of the minority in Slovakia is unclear. Unofficial estimates claim that as many as 430,357 live in Slovakia but the official census shows only 89,920 who identified themselves as Roma in the 2001 census. This discrepancy is at least partially due to many Roma claiming other nationalities, either due to assimilation or fear of persecution.

Highly distinct from the majority population in terms of language and customs (LANG = 1; CUSTOM = 1), the group has been historically a frequent target of various forms of official and unofficial discrimination and prejudice. The predecessors of today’s Roma are believed to have left their Indian homeland during the 9th and 10th centuries, migrated in the middle of the 11th century through Persia, Armenia and small Asia, and in the 14th and 15th crossed the Danube basin to proceed to Central and Western Europe. Unlike in Western Europe (where the group was in the 15th century officially excommunicated from the Church and subjected to harsh official discrimination), the attitude toward the Roma in the Central and South-Eastern Europe was initially positive. Drawing on their traditional talents as metalsmiths, musicians, constructors, basket-weavers, etc. Roma performed valuable services for the dominant population in exchange for food, shelter, and other goods and gradually started settling down in several towns (Liptovsky Hradok, Liptovska Lupca). The legislative orders of Maria Theresa and Joseph II in the 18th century led to further settlement and assimilation of the Roma population.

Industrialization brought a dramatic deterioration in the group’s situation as cheap factory-made products gradually decreased the demand for products by Roma craftsmen. Repressive policies of the interwar Czechoslovak state (such as the 1927 law requiring Roma identity cards and "migration documents") further worsened the Roma situation and contributed to growing negative public perceptions of Roma. Official discrimination against the Roma peaked during the wartime Slovak state -- Roma were forbidden to use public transportation; they were allowed to enter cities and villages only during certain days and times; Roma settlements close to public roads were liquidated; and after the German occupation of Slovakia in the fall of 1944, mass murders of Roma took place.

After the Communist takeover in 1948, the Communists banned all existing Roma organizations and embarked on a policy intended to eliminate "the primitive old Gypsy way of life with all its bad habits" through dispersion and assimilation. At this time, few Roma remained in the Czech Republic and many were moved from Slovakia to the Sudetenland, from which the German minority had been expelled. In 1958, the Communists passed a law requiring the settlement of "nomads" in order to help them become "orderly working citizens." Many Roma were moved into new apartments causing resentment among other Czechoslovakians who often had to wait for years for housing. In 1968, the National Council for Issues relating to the Gypsy Population was set up after previous attempts to assimilate and disperse the Roma failed. The council's task was to break up "undesirable concentrations" of Roma, relocate their inhabitants and enforce universal employment. As in the past, these efforts failed and many Roma continued to live in shanties. In 1968, a brief period of "normalization" occurred, with the government even allowing the establishment of the Union of Romanies. However, this organization was abolished in 1973; Roma demands for recognition as a nationality were ignored; and the policy of forced relocation was resumed. In the mid-1970s, as a result of the growing problems and a sense of helplessness and inability to deal with the recalcitrant Roma population, the communist government embarked on a new project of "minimizing the high proportion of unhealthy population" through offering substantial financial incentives to Roma women who agreed to be sterilized.

The 1989 "velvet revolution" brought both positive and negative developments for Roma. On the positive side, several Roma political organizations were created; between 1990-1992, Roma were represented in both the Federal and the National parliaments as well as in the Slovak government and several ministries; in 1991, the Slovak government adopted a document officially acknowledging Roma nationality, making it equal with other ethnic minorities living in the Slovak territory, guaranteeing support for the development of Roma culture and education, including publication of Roma periodicals and books, creation of a professional Roma theater, support for Roma programs on TV and radio, etc. On the other hand, negative consequences of the post-1989 political and economic changes left many Roma in a new social isolation. Restructuring of economy led to elimination of many low-paid, unqualified jobs, predominantly held by the Roma. Contributing to the rising unemployment of the Slovak Roma was a general economic slowdown as well as the 1993 split between Czechs and Slovaks (the Czech Republic was economically better off and offered more employment opportunities). Finally, as Communist repression was lifted and economic and living conditions deteriorated, popular prejudice against the Roma became more overt, giving rise to various forms of intolerance.

In Slovakia, the Roma have an extremely high birthrate with those under the age of 15 making up about 50% of the population. There is also a high mortality rate among Roma children. The Roma often have difficulties in school because many are not proficient in Slovak. For this reason and a general lack of encouragement from their parents, many Roma children are sent to schools for the mentally handicapped where they are often discriminated against by teachers. Accordingly, there is a considerable illiteracy problem among Slovakia's Roma. This lack of education, along with job discrimination, has resulted in difficulties in getting skilled jobs and a high rate of unemployment among the Roma. However, there has been some improvement recently in the Roma economic situation. According to one report, between July 2000 and February 2001, more than half of 64,000 jobs created went to Slovak Roma. There are also reports of discrimination in housing, health care and child care. Money has recently been spent improving Roma settlements by bringing roads, electricity and running water to the communities. Additionally, in 2005 Slovakia announced a 50% increase in funding for programs to integrate the Roma into society including the areas of housing and education (ECDIS04-06 = 1).

Due to numerous incidents of attacks of Roma by skinheads over the past decade, among the chief concerns for the group is physical safety. Other important demands and grievances of the Roma are of economic nature – including greater economic opportunities, better education, access to higher status occupations, and improved living standards. Improved education and cultural opportunities for Roma are also frequently voiced as important demands. Both political and economic grievances are aimed at eliminating discrimination (POLGR04-06 = 1; ECGR04-06 = 1).

A number of political parties and civic associations representing Roma sprang up during the last decade. There are 18 registered Roma political parties and about 29 Roma NGOs (GOJPA04-06 = 2). Many of them are regional or local, with little impact at the national level. The only party representing Roma interests in national politics is the Roma Civic Initiative although there are no Roma in the Slovak parliament or executive (LEGISREP04-06 = 1; EXECREP04-06 = 0). In addition, many of these organizations are short-lived (resulting from frequent splits and merges among the existing associations), and not all are politically active. In general, the Slovak Roma political scene is characterized by a lack of unity and frequent confrontations among the different groups. Negotiations with the government are also complicated by the negative attitude that many of the Roma parties and groups bring to the negotiation table -- their defensive style, emphasis on victimhood, lack of willingness to compromise, etc. As a result, the group finds itself in political isolation, unable to address, much less solve, most of the issues and problems facing Roma. This lack of political cohesion and unity, combined with widespread poverty and low levels of education help explain the virtual absence of political protest by the Roma (PROT05-06 = 0) (REB04-06 = 0), although mass protests did break out in 2004 when the government slashed social benefits (PROT04 = 3).

As is the case elsewhere in the region, Slovak Roma have received ideological support from a number of non-governmental and regional organizations, including the EU, CE, OSCE, European Roma Rights Center, International Roma Union, etc.

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References

Amnesty International. 2005. “Slovakia.” http://web.amnesty.org/report2005/svk-summary-eng. Accessed 7.16.07

CIA World Factbook. 2007. “Slovakia.” https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/lo.html. Accessed 7.9.07

European Commission. 2006. “The Euromosaic Study: Romani in Slovakia.” http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/lang/languages/langmin/euromosaic/slok3_en.html#11. Accessed 7.9.07

European Roma Rights Centre cited in Roma in the Czech Republic. 2007. “The History and Origin of the Roma.” http://romove.radio.cz/en/article/18158. Accessed 6/21/07.

Fisher, Sharon "Romanies in Slovakia" RFE/RL Research Report, October 1993, 2(4), pp. 54-9.

Kalvoda, Josef. 1991. “The Gypsies of Czechoslovakia” in David Crowe and and John Kolsti (eds), The Gypsies of Eastern Europe. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. 104.

Lexis/Nexis: All news files: 1990-2006.

MSN Encarta. 2007. “Slovakia Facts and Figures.” http://encarta.msn.com/fact_631504859/Slovakia_Facts_and_Figures.html. Accessed 7.9.07

Population and Housing Census 2001. 2001. “TAB. 3 Permanently resident population by nationality and by regions and districts.” http://www.statistics.sk/webdata/english/census2001/tab/tab3a.htm. Accessed 7.9.07

US Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Slovakia. 1990, 1991, 1993, 2001-2006 (all published the February following the year they cover).

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