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Data

Minorities At Risk Project: Home    

Assessment for Zapotecs in Mexico

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Mexico Facts
Area:    1,972,550 sq. km.
Capital:    Mexico City
Total Population:    84,486,000 (source: UN, 1995, est.)

Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References



Risk Assessment

The Zapotecs have three factors that increase the likelihood of future rebellion: persistent protest in the past decade; territorial concentration in Oaxaca and Tehuantepec; and a high level of organization and cohesion as represented in COCEI. However, four factors support the strong likelihood that rebellion will be avoided: increased democratic stability under recent administrations; greater commitment by recent administrations to meet indigenous demands, backed by action; the widespread public and ideological support of Mexican indigenous groups by the numerous foreign governments and transnational NGOs; and a lack of serious armed conflicts in neighboring Guatemala.

The prospects for peace in Zapotec regions are good, primarily due to President Fox’s decisive action upon election in 2000 to scale back military operations in indigenous regions and his commitment to addressing the grievances of indigenous groups. However, the influx of government forces into Oaxaca in 2006 represents a set-back in this progress. Though the presence of pro-PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) paramilitary groups in indigenous regions pose a continued threat, such groups are likely to face greater constraints with the PRI unseated in the presidency and in key gubernatorial offices. No new political or social threats have been detected and the region remains relatively peaceful. At times, small Zapotec groups commission the government for more autonomy but these pressures are quelled quietly and quickly. Future conflict may be an issue due to depopulation of many areas due to emigration to the United States for work.

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Analytic Summary

Zapotecs in Mexico are located in Chiapas, Coahuila, Colina, Oaxaca and Veracruz. Oaxaca is home to the largest number of Zapotecs, with over 80,000 living in Juchitan, Oaxaca’s second largest city (GROUPCON = 3). They are distinguished from other groups by the Zapotec language, although many also speak Spanish (LANG = 1). The Zapotecs migrated from highland Oaxaca Valley to the isthmus in the 14th century. They displaced the Huaves, Zoques, Mixes and Chontals from agricultural land and living areas, which they historically controlled under the communal ejido land system. Government efforts to privatize indigenous land, beginning with agrarian reforms in the 1940s and continuing through the enactment of NAFTA, have subjected indigenous populations to increasing land and territory losses. The Zapotecs remained steadfast in their culture and traditions and thus, became the dominant indigenous group of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec (CUSTOM = 1). They are represented by the Worker-Peasant-Student Coalition of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec (COCEI), a local, conventional political organization as well as smaller, militant organizations (GOJPA06 = 3).

Zapotecs experience significant demographic stress due to poor health conditions, periodic natural disasters, and substantial migration. Only 34 percent of those in indigenous regions have health insurance and access to health care facilities as opposed to the 47 percent of those living in non-indigenous regions. Due to environmental factors, the health standards in the Zapotec regions of Oaxaca are very low. Furthermore, the education levels and sanitation services in this region are below that of non-indigenous regions. There are high rates of unemployment in the Zapotec area of Oaxaca (Juchitan) also. The Isthmus region is a region of settlement for Guatemalan refugees and thus, the population in addition to high birth rates, has increased since the 1980s. Zapotecs face political marginalization, due mainly to societal discrimination (POLDIS06 = 3). Cultural restriction is not significant, but they do face economic discrimination due to social exclusion (ECDIS06 = 3). Extremely high rates of emigration have occurred due to economic strains in the region and laws passed by U.S. President George Bush that allow Mexican works to enter the United States for work. This is causing severe depopulation in areas such as Santa Ana.

The Zapotecs’ primary group demands and grievances include protection of their agricultural lands from oil industry pollution, rights to self-government, increased government investment in infrastructure and social services, opposing human rights abuses stemming from militarization and paramilitary opposition, as well as state restrictions of their political freedoms (POLGR06 = 3; ECGR06 = 1).. Until late 2002, Zapotecs faced significant language discrimination in the justice system, where Spanish is used and interpreters were not supplied for non-Spanish speakers. A law passed in mid-December 2002 guaranteed that indigenous language speakers would have a bilingual judge. Language barriers are becoming smaller due to the bilingual law of 2002. Few grievances have been reported in recent years. However, dozens of indigenous people occupied the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) offices in Mexico City in 2006 to protest the violence and poverty from which they suffer in the southern state of Oaxaca.

Though historically non-violent, the Juchitecos (90 percent Zapotec) rebelled against the state under the leadership of Che Gomez in 1911. In 1931 a rebellion for autonomy was crushed by the Mexican government. In 1983, the Mexican government impeached the COCEI government in Juchitan leading to a 5-month standoff between Zapotecs and the Mexican military accompanied by several street battles and demonstrations (PROT80X = 4). In August 1996 the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR), which was linked by the government to the Zapotec town of Los Loxichas attacked the tourist town of Huatulco, leaving 11 people dead. No rebellion has been reported in recent years (REB04-06 = 0).

Since 1974, 20 to 30 COCEI members (called coceistas) have been killed by the military and police. Additional human rights abuses, including arbitrary arrest, kidnapping and torture, were reported by a 1986 Amnesty International report, most of which resulted from police and military anti-EPR campaigns and repression of COCEI political activity.

The Zapotecs have not received significant military or material aid from external actors, although kin in the United States regularly send remittances to family members still in Mexico (KINSUP04-06 = 1; STASUP04-06 = 0; NSASUP04-06 = 1).

Government efforts to institute reforms were insubstantial until the 2000 election of President Vicente Fox, who scaled back the military presence in indigenous regions shortly after the election and submitted legislation to congress containing numerous protections of indigenous rights. However, the Indian rights bill passed by the Mexican congress on April 28, 2001, has been opposed by indigenous communities because it failed to meet their demands. Opposition has so far been peaceful (PROT01 = 5, PROT02 = 4; PROT03 = 2). Protests, led initially by teachers but later joined by a variety of societal actors, erupted in Oaxaca in 2006 and turned violent as government forces moved into the area (PROT06 = 4; REPNVIOL06 = 4).

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References

Campbell, Howard. 1993. "Tradition and the New Social Movements: The Politics of Isthmus Zapotec Culture." Latin American Perspectives. 20:3. 83-97.

Campbell, Howard. 1994. Zapotec Renaissance. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press.

Campbell, Howard, Leigh Binford, Miguel Bartolome, and Alicia Barabas, eds. 1993. Zapotec Struggles. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Comision Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indigenas. 2002. "Poblacion indigena (1) por lengua (2), porcentagje de hablantes de lengua indigena y ubicacion geografica, Mexico, 2000." http://www.cdi.gob.mx/print.php?id_seccion=660, accessed 5/30/2008.

Instituto Nacional de Estadistica Geografia e Informatica (INEGI). 2005. II Conteo de Poblaci n y Vivienda 2005. Resultados definitivos. Tabulados b sicos.

LexisNexis. Various news reports. 1990-2006.

Tresierra, Julio. 1994. "Mexico: Indigenous Peoples and the Nation-State." In Donna Lee Van Cott, ed. Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America. New York: St. Martin's Press.

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Information current as of December 31, 2006