Assessment for Mons in Burma

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Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References

Risk Assessment

The Mon have three of the five factors that increase the chances of future rebellion: territorial concentration; recent repression by state authorities; and a generally high level of group organization. Since the late 1980s, more than 15 ethnic groups, including the Mon, have reached ceasefire deals with the military junta. These agreements generally provide for some local control and promises of economic development, though the junta discontinued provision of economic aid to the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in September 2005. Whether these provisions are resumed and increased will also likely influence the prospects of future rebellion.

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Analytic Summary

Most Mon live in eastern Mon state, although there are group members in neighboring Thailand. The Mon's residence in Burma predates the arrival of the dominant community, the Burmans, who first attempted to conquer the Mon in the 11th century. The Burmans subsequently absorbed many Mon cultural practices including their religion, Theravada Buddhism (RELIGS1 = 8). There has been little group migration across the country's regions.

Linguistically and culturally related to the Khmers in Cambodia, the Mon speak Mon-Khmer dialects while the country's official language is Burmese. The Mon have unique culture practices that are distinct from those of the Burman majority (CUSTOM = 1).

Until the Burman conquest in the mid-18th century, the Mon had an independent state. Burman control over Mon areas was displaced following the third Anglo-Burman war and the establishment of British colonial rule (1886-1947). Control over the Mon people was transferred from Great Britain to the newly independent Burmese state in 1948. The principal Mon insurgent organization, the New Mon State Party, was established in 1958. Its armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army, emerged in 1971.

In 1995 the New Mon State Party signed a ceasefire agreement with the junta. A number of factors likely influenced this decision including the government's superior military force, the loss of half of Mon territory to the military, increased dissension within the movement, and desires for economic development. Since the late 1980s, the Burmese military has more than doubled, reaching a force of 400,000. Chinese military assistance, in the form of arms and training, has been critical. In addition, Thailand had begun to repatriate Mon in refugee camps, despite a liberal policy of allowing long-term stays. Some analysts indicate that Thailand's decision was based on its desire to increase economic linkages with Burma, especially to further a natural gas agreement reached in 1995.

Demographic stresses that confront group members include deteriorating public health conditions, declining caloric intake, dispossession from their land, and forced resettlement by state authorities. Many villagers have been involuntarily relocated in Mon state to facilitate infrastructure projects, including the construction of a natural gas pipeline from Burma to Thailand. Under the terms of the 1995 ceasefire agreement, the junta agreed to provide monthly economic assistance to the New Mon State Party. This remedial policy, however, was suspended in September 2005. Overall, though, the group's dire economic condition is largely a reflection of constant repression – namely, forced labor and land confiscation – by the Burmese junta (ECDIS06 = 4).

Political restrictions include limits on freedom of expression, free movement, political organizations, and recruitment to civil service positions. Group members are also subject to constant repression (i.e., forced relocation, harassment, and frequently torture) by the junta (POLDIS06 = 4).

The primary objective of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), according to its official website, is "to establish an independent sovereign state unless the Burmese government is willing to permit a confederation of free nationalities exercising full right of self-determination inclusive of the right of secession." The right to use the Mon language for schooling and in interactions with the government is also a key concern. The Burmese junta bans the use and teaching of the Mon language in Mon state schools, and Mon villagers who cannot speak Burmese face regular harassment, discrimination, fines, and even physical abuse by the state.

Until the mid-1990s, militant groups primarily represented Mon interests, but by the end of the decade these were being advanced largely through broad-based conventional organizations. Political activism in recent years has been minimal (PROT01 = 1, PROT02-06 = 0; REB06 = 1).

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References

Bauer, Christian, "Language and Ethnicity: The Mon in Burma and Thailand," in Wijeyewardene, Gehan (ed.), Ethnic Groups across National Boundaries in Mainland Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990).

The Europa Yearbook, Far East and Australasia 1993.

The Human Rights Foundation of Monland Monthly Newsletter, 1995-2006.

Keesings Record of World Events, 1990-93.

Minorities at Risk, Phase I, overview compiled by Monty G. Marshall, 06/89.

Lexis-Nexis news reports, 1990-2006.

New Mon State Party Official Website. "Our Aim". http://www.nmsp.info/mnla.php

South, Ashley. 2003. Mon Nationalism and Civil War in Burma: The Golden Sheldrake. New York: RoutledgeCurzon.

U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Burma. 2001-2006.

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